Biden, Bidenranea, Biden Hate the Tower in a booth called 1955 April 27, 2019. I'm William Cooper, and once again, you're listening to the Hour of the Time. Tonight, ladies and gentlemen, we continue with part two of our series on the life of the presidency and the assassination of John Fitzgerald Kennedy. The Hour of the Time is brought to you by Swiss America Trading. I encourage you to call them and tell them that you're a steady listener to William Cooper and the Hour of the Time. Ask them for a current newsletter chock full of information that you need to know about non-reportable, non-confiscatable hard assets, precious metals, and all of their various forms. We encourage you, ladies and gentlemen, to place at least a portion of your assets in real money. Please call Swiss America Trading right now. Don't procrastinate and ask them how you can put together a program to acquire some real money to protect yourself, your assets, and your family from what we know is sure to come. Sit down, ladies and gentlemen, and realize that just in this year alone, the stock market has increased over a thousand points. And see if you can find in your own minds. If you can find in your own mind any justification for such an increase. And then call 1-800-289-2646 and do what you know you must do. Look around at the faces of your loved ones. Can you, right at this moment, assure them that you have taken the necessary steps to protect them against a financial catastrophe that could happen, could occur at any given moment? If not, you must make this call. 1-800-289-2646. That's 1-800-289-2646. You'll be so, so happy that you did. Tonight, ladies and gentlemen, part two in our continuing series. 1-800-が、580-2646. We go to Christmas O'Connor aparece my hand in front of Christmas. We have a lam itchy, by thumbом. I'll get a lam mixed with me, by thumbppen multiplicity and cally. Let me be so, so happy that the final segment is finished. And listen lonely. I'll get a little bit closer. We have a proceeded otherكان씨 and whether i can combine this program. IULA PAL makes perfect for example, if we not speak to the house. And see what happens, mineíll be so 76 ways in lighter distance with silver. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. Thank you. From a large, well-staffed headquarters in downtown Milwaukee, Kennedy workers efficiently divide Wisconsin into its ten convention districts. They are trying for a knockout, a victory that will entirely eliminate Humphrey. Bobby Kennedy directs the most skillful team of political operators since James Farley kept in Franklin Roosevelt's troops. The Kennedy women arrive, first Ethel, then the Senator's sisters, then his wife, too, asks her efforts. Now in the streets as the end draws near, the crowd's in the grow. The race in the mouse, and Kennedy men predict victory by seven districts to three, then eight to two, then nine to one. By election morning, as Democrats vote in the Wisconsin primaries, some even predict a clean sweep, all ten. The Kennedy, of course, is a role of the Catholics, a plea and a congregation of, as some observers think that the election is resolved into a religious struggle. Listening to these words on the radio in the third floor suite at Milwaukee's Kistern Hotel, studying the shape of the vote, Kennedy knows early in the evening, first, that he has scored no knockout. Secondly, that politicians everywhere will see the vote as a reflection of religious cleavage. I am saying that hopefully possibly make their a-fired system. The answers of the Kennedy's weeks have almost slipped away. One of the most irreverent candidates in the state of the week could wind up eating almost nothing. What is happening is now clear. The industrial cities with their Catholic working men are giving the Massachusetts senator a decisive margin. But the three westernmost districts of Wisconsin, agricultural and Protestant, are voting heavily for Humphrey. The For Kennedy, this is a victory without joy. Though he wins six districts to four, he still has not proven his vote-getting ability in Protestant districts. In a Milwaukee television studio, Humphrey is as cheerful as Kennedy is downcast. Humphrey has expected a trouncing. This upset is almost a victory for him. Exuberantly, he prepares for the next round, the West Virginia primary. Kennedy men feel otherwise. That Humphrey, having lost in Wisconsin, has lost all, and now should quit. As he flies to West Virginia, Kennedy must face the moment of truth. He must prove that religion alone will not decide elections in America. And he must do it in a state whose people are 95% Protestant. If he loses there, he loses all. And the 1960 convention will choose a candidate in the back rooms. As Kennedy arrives to take command in Charleston, West Virginia, he finds his organization already installed, and fresh reserves arriving from New England. Bobby Kennedy goads the team into Hyde. Pollster Lou Harris arrives to probe the tides of prejudice. Direct from Wisconsin, the Marshal of Field Workers has come Larry O'Brien. And Press Chief Salinger is now on a 20-hour day. Against this formidable opposition, Humphrey's major problem grows more acute every day. It doesn't make you feel very happy. When a man walks into your room at 5.30 in the morning and says, Senator, we're in debt $18,000, and we have no more money for anything. No money for television, no money for printing. I say, where are the buttons? We have no money. So I say, all right, we'll just knock off the whole day, cancel out the program, and we'll get on this telephone. I'll call my friends in Minnesota. We'll call them in New York. We'll call them in Washington. We've got to raise the money. From beginning to end, Humphrey's campaign echoes America of another day. Of the old populists, of the warm, visionary, early New Deal, he was the poor man's candidate. And in West Virginia, with its thousands of unemployed miners, Humphrey hoped for a response. Humphrey is a senator, a neighbor, a friend. We're going to stick with him all the way to the end. He used to come over just to help us out. It's our turn to help him without any doubt. So vote for humor. Humphrey. You're a little bit hungry. The president is a guest for you and me. Kennedy's problem is religion. The two elegant Gennedys, with their polished East Coast accents, their grace of dress and daring, seem alien in West Virginia. But nothing seems more alien than their Catholic faith in this overwhelmingly Protestant state. Staff planners debate the problem. Finally, acting with his closest advisor, Ted Sorensen, Kennedy decides to bring the issue into the open. There is no test of faith or religion when a man is summoned to die for his country. Why should there be a test of faith when he tries to serve it in peace? So speaks Kennedy. But no one's enreaded from the intent faces of the West Virginians whether this plea reaches their heart. On May 10th, West Virginia votes. It will be late before the ballots give the answer. So Kennedy sweep by 6040. The walls of prejudice have fallen. At one o'clock at his headquarters, Humphrey speaks for the last time as candidate. Now I am no longer a candidate for the Democratic presidential nomination. I shall run for re-election to the United States Senate from the state of Minnesota. I shall do whatever I can, however, to make sure that the Democratic Convention will adopt a liberal platform and nominate liberal candidates who will be elected in November. And to that end, I shall be in constant contact with my friends in Minnesota and throughout the country. That's my statement. I want to thank all of you, too. You're very good people. Can we have some questions, Senator? No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No. time for losers. Thank you. America, America, and the green gold gold, America. Ladies and gentlemen, the hour of the time is brought to you by Swiss America Trading. Their specialty is non-confiscatable, non-reportable hard assets, real money, if you will. And if you've received your copy of Veritas, issue number eight, you'll see that the original coinage act begins on the front page. You'll begin to understand what real money is. And if you have a copy of the Constitution for the United States of America, you will see, if you read it carefully, that money, ladies and gentlemen, is coined. And it is, in fact, silver or gold coin. If you don't have any real money, you are flirting with disaster. Because this inflated, phony stock market that just yesterday went above and stayed above 5,000 points for the first time in its history, country, and in fact, in fact, in just this year alone, had exceeded a 1,000 point increase. When our base of manufacturing is leaving the country to exploit cheap labor in third world countries. Where is this increase coming from? How do you account for it? If you were to take these companies and dissolve them tomorrow, would the net worth of all of the assets of those corporations equal the worth? Or I should say, equal what has been paid for the stock? The answer, ladies and gentlemen, is no. Not by a vast margin. This has to come tumbling down. It's artificial. The value is not there. And when the value does not exist, eventually there has to be an adjustment. And in this case, it's going to be a terrible, drastic adjustment. So I urge you to call our sponsor, Swiss America Trading. Today, tell them that you're a steady listener to William Cooper in the hour of the time, and you will receive red carpet treatment. Ask for your copy of the current Swiss America Trading newsletter. Thank them for sponsoring this broadcast. And explore the methods whereby you may be able to develop a program to protect at least a part of your assets with real money, precious metals in their various forms. I highly recommend coins. Call now, 1-800-289-2646. You'll be glad that you did. A great weight will come off your shoulders when you know that you don't have to worry about that portion of your wealth that you have placed under the protection of real money. 1-800-289-2646. Tell them William Cooper sent you. That's 1-800-289-2646. 4-800-289-2646. Call them. Lord, come. We can. The more we remember the way we began, the truly, victorious is the best we can do. There will be time to forget its word For the scrolls and the top If we leave the children a sky full of hope And a plague is filled with fire America, America And we'll be your home Remember the voice of death upon And the count upon the name We can say you can't deserve Come on, America We can tell you what is the middle of the year Come, glory comes to me America, America America We'll be the judge of the country, Lord And the safety does resolve When the things in the heart and the factory found And yesterday there will be no song at all The words of the words that others heard And the grace will down the year And the name of the song is the name of the tree And it feels the truth of me America, America America And the grace of the Lord And the grace of the Lord And the grace of the Lord And the grace of the Lord And the grace of the Lord It's a bold and delicate energy And the heart and the Lord will be And the way they thank the soul of America America America America Our voices are changing Our sons are saying That the season seems to sing That the song is a strong Our singing is strong and clear Let the love over the waves be free America, America, it gettin' role on America, America, it gettin' role on Today you can дог bun another tour America, America, Ukule sudden America,ria, mix The roots following his victory, Kennedy, like all candidates, devotes to good old-fashioned politicking with big city eastern bosses. To Pennsylvania, to powwow with grizzled Governor Lawrence. To Chicago and Dick Daly, boss of Cook County. To New York and Bob Wagner at Gracie Mansion. To New Jersey and Governor Robert Minor. To Michigan and friendly Sophie Williams. The primaries have won them delegates. More than that, they have won them the prestige to turn to these northern power brokers and demand the great boss of telethys to control its invasion. Yet American destiny is moved by more than grassroots politics. Twelve thousand miles away, an American U-2 is brought down over Russian soil. And Khrushchev's short temper snaps. The summit conference of 1960 explodes with his tirade against America. And you will be ready for the attack. You will be ready for the attack. You will be ready for the attack. The outer world these spring weeks seeth with violent threats. Africa is liberated. The commonwealth is self-government. And as the world is children with spreading tensions, the Democratic Party reexamines its youthful front line. At the end of June, Harry Newman puts the question directly to Jack Kennedy. I want to say to him at this time, and I quote a statement to Senator Kennedy. Senator, are you certain that you're quite ready for the country or the country is ready for you in the role of president in January 1961? In these turbulent weeks, Democrats seek another candidate. That's right. Thousands of other Democrats turn almost by instinct to the party's most eloquent spokesman on foreign affairs, Adelaide Keynes. You know, Chairman Butler this afternoon recognized you as a candidate and he said that your people, the police, are going to be allowed to have office space in the Deltmore Hotel. Does this change your future? Well, I hadn't heard about that. That's news to me. My people are going to have office space in the Bill Marks. That's right. Well, I didn't even know I had any people until I got to watch it. Anyway, bless all my people. Hitherto, Lyndon Johnson's campaign has been a mixture of country music and congressional maneuver. Now, Johnson counts on his record as the even majority leader of the Senate to give him the image of leader for a time of crisis. Senator Kennedy with the convention just left in two weeks away. How do things look for you? I think it's coming along very well. I hope. But the nomination which had seemed close enough for Kennedy to touch in May is to be a matter of bitter contest in Los Angeles in July. Los Angeles glitters starting July 4th weekend delegates, alternates, candidates, hopeful, wheeler-dealers stream in. The sports arena waits for the Democratic Convention but at the Biltmore Hotel downtown the real business politicking has already begun. 761 is the magic number. 761 votes needed to nominate. The rural snare wavering delegates headquarters have been opened by each candidate. Simonton hopes he'll win as compromised candidates in a deadlock. Slimlin Johnson has a solid block of 400 southern delegates with little support from elsewhere. Nine miles away, Adlai Stevenson on convention eve still refuses to ask to single delegate votes. But Stevenson has tremendous emotional support in the party. His followers hope that Johnson leaders will add their delegate strength to a stop-Kennedy movement that will halt Kennedy on the first ballot and rip him apart on later ballots. As front-runner, Kennedy is the target of every whisper, rumor, counterplan of his rivals. Yet, in the noise and babble, suite 8315 at the Biltmore, the Kennedy command post, remains serene. Someone calls this convention the changing of the dark. A new generation is replacing the old. The battle-tested veterans behind these doors are almost tall in their 40s. Unflustered, they direct the Kennedy organization in a round-the-clock effort. Great national conventions always break up in small meetings of state, regional, and special interest groups. All these meetings are stirred by a simple purpose, to find the leader of the party that can offer the nation and win. As caucuses seek a man, the candidates seek out caucuses, addressing 10, 20 groups today. Entering the last intense weekend of caucusing before convention, Kennedy feels reasonably certain of 600 votes. Three key states can add the votes needed for nomination, but Illinois, Pennsylvania, and California have not yet made up their minds. Kennedy efforts will concentrate on these. The Kennedys have courted Dick Daly all year. He controls Illinois' 69 votes. On Sunday, he caucuses Illinois behind closed doors, and it breaks 59 for Kennedy. Monday, Kennedy pleads for Pennsylvania votes. By noon, Governor Lawrence announced, 64 out of 81 for Kennedy. The bandwagon rose as the convention officially opens that evening. How long have the president of the state in their own delegation? Up to now, it's been Kennedy all the way, and his count has passed 700 delegates, only 60-odd shy of nominations. is now called impressionable. I have the honor and the crowd of the boys. Suddenly, fields and planners explode and rise. They have flung a chain of wild enthusiasts around the arena. They hope they can figure a stampede of all Kennedy. Next day, Tuesday, Kennedy meets Johnson before a joint meeting of the Texas and Massachusetts delegations. All other caucuses pause to watch as the majority leader contrasts his working record in the Senate with that of his campaigning rival. For six days and nights, we had 24-hour sessions. Six days and nights, I had to deliver a plumb of 51 men. on a moment's notice, to keep the Senate in session to get any bill of call. And I'm proud to tell you that on those 60 corn calls, Lyndon Johnson answers every one of them. All those men who would be present on a civil rights platform answered none. Admittedly, I didn't have the problem that some of my people had of opposing Senator Johnson North in four finals. Senator Johnson, any necessary that I appreciate for Senator Johnson had to say. He made some general references to the shortcomings of other presidential candidates, but as he was not specific, I assume he was talking about some of the other candidates and not about me. Senator Johnson made a wonderful record in answering those form calls, and I want to commend him for it. I was not present on all those occasions. I was not majority leader. As Linda knows, I never criticized. In fact, on every occasion, I said that I thought Senator Johnson should not enter the primary, that his proper responsibility was his majority leader, and that if he would let Hubert Wayne and I settle this matter, we could come to a clear-cut decision. So I come to you today full of admiration for Senator Johnson, full of affection for him, going in support of him for majority leader, and I'm confident that in that position we're all going to be able to work together. Thank you. Next Tuesday afternoon, Stevenson comes to the convention. He finds the contagious excitement of his volunteers sweeping the delegates on the floor. Where is that delegate? I'll find out in just a moment now, what's the call of the city? Right what is and pass it right on to you. The reservoir of affection for him floods over. The two moat rocks the delegates. They know this pressure cracked the California delegation today when 33 California votes broke to Stevenson. Can Adelaide be drafted? Many delegates waver. Should they hold back from Kennedy and wait for Stevenson's call? After getting in and out of the Diltmore Hotel in this hall, I decided that I know who you're going to nominate. It will be the last survivor. Please tonight take a screen. Set back to Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson favors the headline. The next day, Wednesday, Stevenson volunteers circle the arena again. They flood the gates, check the galleries, prepare to stampede the convention. Nominations begin when Sam Raver offers Johnson's name. I present to your man who has demonstrated it under adverse circumstances. Four hours of nominations and demonstrations. The final struggle for Loach goes on. Bobby Kennedy and Abe Ribicops, the Kennedy floor leader, command 40 floor workers by a net of eight direct telephones and high-powered walkie-talkies. Swirming among the delegates, they plead, urge, cajole for individual votes. They must pick up 20-odd votes for their man. Finally, the calling of the roll began. Alabama cares. Johnson, 20 votes. Kennedy, three and a half. Johnson listens from the Biltmore. Alabama, a southern state, gives him first lead. As the roll continues, Stevenson finds that for all his emotional support, nothing shows in hard votes. Massachusetts passed 41 votes, John F. Kennedy. In a secret hideaway, Kennedy marks his own callie sheet. The big city states are coming in as planned. Even New York, where a reported Stevenson revolts could delegations. Senator Kennedy, 104 and a half. Bobby has told his men that if the 700 mark has passed when the state of Washington votes, they can win. That mark is reached. Next, West Virginia and Wisconsin both safe, one in the primaries. Wyoming can give them 763 in victory. Kennedy Kennedy rushes to Wyoming. Wyoming votes will make majority to Senator Kennedy. Kennedy behind the screen police escort, Kennedy speeds from his hideaway to the arena. Outside, Governor, Mayor, Senators, Boughton, gather to form a protective escort for the young new leader. Tomorrow, in an all-day puzzle, he must choose a vice president. But tonight is for jubilation. He now commands all machinery of the National Democratic Party. The A.D. Dixon must march to his direction. This is the way down the road. What? What? What? What? What? What? What? What? What? What? What? What? What? What? What? What? What? What? What? What? What? What? What? What? What? What? What? What? What? The revento ю Tottenham Heartful Heartful Heartful Devento llev The nine Five hours It's not for me to give you an answer to your nomination until Friday night, but I think you can guess what the answer will be. In Washington, Vice President Lincoln apparently said to the nomination, he was hysterical as shown by Rumble in his own party. As the Republican convention approaches, Nixon's chief concern is the man he wanted as Vice President, but his friend, Nelson Rockefeller. Rockefeller, attacking Republican leadership, wants much greater effort in national defense, older foreign policies, advanced civil rights. His demands provoke deep resentment. The clash rooms between liberal and conservative Republicans. And Chicago will be the arena. The Windy City, most famous convention gathering place in American history, prepares for the 2,600 Republican delegates and aldermen with its usual efficiency, precaution, and pretty girls. Already at early hearings to set the party platform, fighting breaks out. Rockefeller people press for a bold program. Conservative Republicans hold back. Platform Chairman Charles Percy tries to compromise between the two wings, but fails. Rockefeller staff members. Rockefeller staff members. The sheriff and towers hotel, deadlocked in the platform committee, are willing to risk an open clash over national defense and civil rights that can rip the party apart. Friday, they receive Rockefeller's permission to threaten open floor fight. That afternoon in New York, Rockefeller will get a telephone call from Washington. Nixon wants to fly to New York privately and visit him. Rockefeller will agree. An hour's flight will bring the vice president from Washington to New York. Nixon must head off a conflict in which Republicans will denounce each other. This could only serve Kennedy. Driving into the city, Nixon faces a dilemma. And Rockefeller's platform demands be satisfied without upsetting the grassroots Republicans in Chicago, who remain unaware of this secret wrong angle. He will arrive at Rockefeller's home, 810 Fifth Avenue, at 7.30 of a summer evening. Over dinner for an hour and a half in the Triple X apartment, Nixon will urge Rockefeller to be his vice president. Rockefeller will refuse. They will then go on to discuss the platform. Hours later, when they work out an agreement, they will telephone Chairman Percy in Chicago. The lowly and the dark, the lights trick out the prinkly whistler of New York's Central Park. For three hours, by long-distance phone, Rockefeller and Nixon will tell the platform chairman what they decided here. Shortly after 3, Nixon will leave to return to Washington. By morning, the newspapers have the story, and Nixon confirms it. But on the great issues of national security, of foreign policy, and of domestic policy, we found basic agreements which were expressed in the statement that the governor released in New York after I had approved it. In Chicago, the news reaches the platform writers. Their indignation boils over at this apparent dictation by two absentee leaders. Senator Barry Goldwater voices their anger. The unprecedented last-minute attempts to impose upon the Republican Platform Committee platform provisions from a point 1,000 miles away from the convention has caused deep concern on the part of conscientious Republicans attending the convention at Chicago. A great many working Republicans here in Chicago as delegates to this convention are now asking, if we come to Chicago to nominate a candidate for the presidency, or is our first concern to tailor our entire platform and adjust our historic principles in order to accommodate the conditions laid down by Governor Alcatraz with requisite to his becoming a candidate for the vice presidency. I think it's a surrender to our platform. Richard and Pat Nixon arrive in Chicago Monday morning, July 27th, opening day of the convention, and are met by cheering partisans. But these ringing cheers cannot solve the problem of angry delegates who feel themselves humiliated. Nixon must go before the platform committees and plead for party harmony. What is a party platform? Well, it's something when you build it that can't be so narrow that just a very few can get on it, because then you aren't going to have a two-party system in this country. You're going to have a fragmentized party with everybody having his own little platform with the very few people that he thinks agrees with him on everything. I have heard some people say, if I don't get what I want on this civil rights thing or on this health thing or the rest, I'm going to go home and I'm going to sit it out. Or if I don't get what I want, I've just got to go vote for the Democrats. And my point is this, how stupid can you be? If the Democrats in Los Angeles, with the differences that they have between the two Democratic parties, or three, however the case may be, if with the differences that they have, and if, after what Johnson said about Kennedy and Kennedy said about Johnson, those two could get together, then certainly we Republicans can all get together. The Democrats in Los Angeles, in a supreme effort to lobby leaders and delegates to this message. They must preserve party leaders. They will charm them themselves to party. By Tuesday, the revolt is over. A compromised platform accepted. Wednesday is happy to go to the party. The smiling lions of the party of White D. Eisenhower arrive. Ice power comes from the hard and low of common people, and the streets are choked to see them. This is the greatest living will get it. Keep playing. Mr. D. Eisenhower For the werdenwolf For the hell Big D. dzied The Paris Dying The big dot com ¶¶ ¶¶ Hey, pal, feeling blue ¶¶ Don't know what to do ¶¶ No stars covered there One room, no one there ¶¶ Hey, pal, no despair ¶¶ ¶¶ Come on and shoot a president here Sometimes they make happy winners But prize often goes through ranks in the end How much, sir? $4.50 Driver Johnson, $32 Rubber handle How much, sir? I'll let you meet Take it Mail your test You really love him press Show her you're the best If you can use a president You can get the prize with the big blue eyes Any little sign in those big blue eyes Everybody's got the right to be happy Those day mad life's not as bad as it seems If you keep your goal in tight You can climb to any height Everybody's got the right to their feet Deal, sir, make the deal You let your card in my car I've got to Hey, watch it now No violence Hey, fella Feel like you're a bale You're bale upon your tail Your wife run off for good Hey, fella Feel misunderstood Come here and build a president Okay My mom Who wants a wrong boy boss That used to flumby Travel with your tummy This is to bring you some relief Here, give us some hail Like food and cheese Yeah You can be free Anything you want I will say Don't give me free You can be free You can be free You can be free For anything you want Everybody's got the right to be different Even though it's time to go to extreme Aim for what you want to love Everybody gets a shot Everybody's got the right to dream Yo, baby Looking for a thrill The ferret wheel is that way No, baby This requires skill Okay You'll want to give it a try Jeez, lady Give the guy some room To bump her cover that way Please, lady Don't forget the guns To go boom Hey, gang Look who it is There's our pionine Hey, deep Love and clear Everybody's got the right to be happy Say enough It's not as tough as it seems Don't be scared You won't prevail Everybody's free to fail No one can be put in jail All this Green for three Green for three Means you drink and pump through Be a scholar Take a dollar Green for three Means they listen to you Cream and holler Grab them on a collar Green for three Means you don't have to sit That's it And put up with us Everybody's got the right to come Sunshine Sunshine Everybody's got the sun But maybe one of his feet With man, poor man, black or white If your apple takes a bite Everybody's got those nights You're free Everybody's got the right To the tree Ladies and gentlemen From Annie, Little Pooh, Tiny Allison, Mike and Sharon Aponte, and me, William Cooper A very wonderful Thanksgiving to all of you Good night And God bless you all Good night The Hour of the Time In studio quality stereo format Tapes are $10 for non-members, $8 for members Make checker money order payable to Annie, A-N-N-I-E And address your envelope to the Intelligence Service Post Office Box 1420 Sholo, Arizona 85901 This address will be repeated at the end of this program The Hour of the Time The Hour of the Time The Hour of the Time The Hour of the Time